"Female Circumcision and Conflict in Kenya, 1929-1960" - Page: 2

Aug 10, 2000 - © Jessica Powers

Nobody knows when or why female circumcision, also known as female genital mutilation (FGM), started. It may have originated out of a belief that it placated evil spirits. It may have been a method to control fertility or female sexuality by reducing women's sexual desire.

There are many beliefs behind the rite of female circumcision. For example, the tribes in Nigeria believe that the clitoris is an aggressive organ that will kill a baby as it is pushed out of the birth canal. The Yoruba of Nigeria believe that semen in a mother's milk will harm a baby and only female circumcision will allow women to abstain from sex while nursing. Most beliefs about female circumcision lead to the idea that a woman must be "purified" by cleansing her from the clitoris. Almost all African ethnic groups that practice female circumcision believe that an uncircumcised woman has an unbridled sexual appetite that will lead to promiscuity and prostitution.

There are three types of female circumcision: "Sunna" removes the hood of the clitoris; clitoridectomy removes either part of or all of the clitoris, and all or parts of the labia majora and some or all of the labia minora; "infibulation," the most severe kind, is the total removal of the clitoris and the labia. This is followed by sewing together the remaining tissue, often with thorns, leaving a matchstick size opening for urination and menstrual periods.

Infibulation is practiced mostly in the Sudan, Somalia and Ethiopia; sunna, clitoridectomy and, to a lesser degree, infibulation are performed in other parts of Africa, parts of Asia, and the Western world with large African populations.

Though historians are not sure where, when, or how it started, they do know one thing: Ever since the modern Western world has come into contact with it, FGM has been a source of conflict.

One of the most visible conflicts over FGM began in Kenya in 1929 when the Church of Scotland Mission decreed that all converts and all children who wished to attend the mission schools had to forsake the custom of clitoridectomy. The resulting tension caused the Gikuyu to establish independent schools away from missionary influence, in both educational and religious matters.

Historians have argued that the upheaval over "female circumcision" had more to do with the missionaries' and settlers' fear that British rule would be overthrown, rather than concern over the moral and health implications of clitoridectomy. If so, it was a convenient issue. The missionary stance on clitoridectomy was one that is easy for Westerners, even non-religious Westerners, to understand.

Throughout the '20's and '30's, anthropologists, missionaries, British officials and the Gikuyu fought over the meaning of clitoridectomy. Most Europeans opposed it on moral grounds, also claiming that it caused severe health problems. Western apologists saw it as a cosmetic operation similar to ear-piercing or filing teeth. The Gikuyu saw it as an essential rite to teach young women their adult responsibilities as wives and mothers. It signaled readiness for marriage and motherhood. Clitoridectomy, among the Gikuyu, accompanied an elaborate set of rituals and instruction that prepared young girls for marriage, motherhood, and their duties as adult members of the community.

To the Gikuyu, colonial legislation against clitoridectomy was an attempt to control their sexuality and reproduction rights. Their reaction against it was fierce, at times violent. For example, on January 3, 1930, a woman missionary who had been particularly outspoken about her opposition to clitoridectomy was found murdered. Vaginal wounds on her body suggested her attackers had attempted to "circumcise" her.

For a couple of decades, the controversy over female circumcision in Kenya was fairly calm. In 1956, however, the issue flared up again with a vengeance.

Meru is an administrative district on the northeastern slopes of Mount Kenya. At the prompting of British colonial officials, a local African council of male leaders in Meru banned clitoridectomy. The word spread like wildfire. Before the African leaders and chiefs arrived in their villages to announce the news, groups of teenage girls were circumcised, without ceremony, without celebration. They were given the name "Ngaitana," which means, "I will circumcise myself." Most of the girls had circumcised themselves with razor blades, rather than the triangular iron-wedge knives used by professional circumcisors.

Over the next three years, the Ngaitana girls descended on uncircumcised groups of girls, taunting and pressuring them into also circumcising themselves. The age for circumcision dropped dramatically -- from thirteen or fourteen to eight or younger. Older women who had been circumcised with the proper ceremonies and other rites associated with circumcision refused to accept the circumcision of the "Ngaitana."

In addition, many of the girls had not circumcised themselves properly and had to undergo a second clitoridectomy with a circumcisor or their mothers. The Governor of Kenya reported the results of a medical doctor who examined many of the girls, stating that it was obvious the girls did not understand what female circumcision required. Usually, they had left the clitoris intact. This meant that the process had to be repeated later by women who were trained to circumcise "properly."

The result of circumcising themselves may not have been what these girls anticipated, but theirs was still a sweeping statement. It seemed they were concerned about African men's ability to control them; they also seemed concerned by Great Britain's ability to control the African men. The Ngaitana girls chose circumcision to claim autonomy.

In recent years, legislation against female circumcision, or female genital mutilation, has become a rallying cry for feminism and the World Health Organization. FGM is performed under less than ideal situations. For example, blood is shared, and young girls are at risk for contracting HIV or other STDs. Knives and razor blades are unsanitary, and the risk of infections which may lead to death is a real one. Even when women survive the initial pain and danger, going to the bathroom, menstruation, sexual intercourse, pregnancy, and childbirth can all cause danger and excruciating pain, particularly with infibulation.

But as history shows, female circumcision is not easily ended. Its meaning is embedded deeply in cultural custom and belief systems. It is easy to target it as a symbol of male oppression and domination; while there is truth to that statement, it is not as simple as that. Female circumcision is largely performed and defended by the women whose genitals are mutilated.

Suggested Reading:

Kenyatta, Jomo. "Facing Mount Kenya: The Traditional Life of the Gikuyu." African Writers Series. London: Heinemann, 1979 [Martin Secker and Warburg, 1938].

Lightfoot-Klein, Hanny. "Prisoners of Ritual: An Odyssey into Female Genital Circumcision in Africa." New York: The Haworth Press, 1989.

Pedersen, Susan. "National Bodies, Unspeakable Acts: The Sexual Politics of Colonial Policy-Making." Journal of Modern History 63 (1991): 647-680.

Thomas, Lynn M. "'Ngaitana (I will circumcise myself)': The Gender and Generational Politics of the 1956 ban on Clitoridectomy in Meru, Kenya." Gender and History 8.3 (1996): 338-63.

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